Big Time 1958

   At the 23rd Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union two months later, Serov delivered a speech on how to establish a stable, safe and efficient social environment. It expounds some methods and imaginations of using scientific and technological means to make the top leadership listen to the public opinion.

"As a counter-revolutionary worker, I don't trust anyone, and people are unreliable. But machines will not betray. What I pursue is the power of the whole, and sooner or later we will achieve this with our technological strength. According to the survey of the urban surveillance network in Moscow, Leningrad, and Kyiv, the security of the three most important Soviet cities has improved to varying degrees. But this is not enough. It is necessary to establish a sense of security in the hearts of the people, so that the law and the people are the same. Yes, necessary monitoring is necessary." Serov coughed twice, "When a person walks on the vast land of the Soviet Union, he knows that his every move is inseparable from the sight of the country, no matter from the field of counter-espionage. , or from the perspective of social security, it is a good thing. This can curb crime to the greatest extent, and our job is to make everyone suppress their dark side and do not commit violent acts. "

After a round of applause, Serov continued to elaborate, "Since the establishment of the surveillance network in the three major cities, the work of Comrade Serokoff's Ministry of Internal Affairs has eased a lot, and the detection rate of the three major internal affairs bureaus has greatly increased. The detection rate of murder cases has increased. Half, of course, this is just the beginning. In my imagination, it is far from enough. I think murders must be solved. Let the criminals understand that some things cannot be done. The criminals are strong, and the law enforcement must be stronger. That is so!"

"Also, since six or seven years ago, there have been mass incidents in some parts of the country. Taking a rally in Kazakh as a reference, a local arrested suspect died in a police car, and the leak of news caused a mass rally to attack the local party committee. Due to the lack of information, I ordered a reconnaissance team in Moscow to go to Kazakhstan to quell the incident. This incident shows that the people have doubts about us, which is not a good phenomenon. The transparency of law enforcement should be improved, the best The way is to let the law enforcement officers also enter the monitored range to prevent us security personnel from being affected by certain factors." In a blink of an eye, Serov's report has come to an end, and finally said, "My report is over, thank you comrades... "

   Then Serov turned to salute the members of the Soviet Central Presidium behind him, walked off the rostrum and returned to his position. Shelov's position is very close to the rostrum, and belongs to the seat closest to the central presidium. And beside him is Yegolychev, the first secretary of the Moscow Municipal Party Committee.

"You're right, you can't see us, but I saw the first secretary nodding frequently." Yegolychev lowered his head sideways, "I think your report has no problem with the direction. "

   "Really?" Serov secretly said that I didn't write it, although he has made great progress in writing reports. This time, the 23rd Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was attended by the Soviets themselves. It also includes nearly 100 party representatives from dozens of countries. This is normal. This is the case at every conference. If the Soviet Union calls itself the motherland of the proletarian workers, if there is no one at a conference, it really shows a big problem.

   This is the first congress since Podgorny made a mistake, I don’t know what Khrushchev wants to say. But certainly not just shouting slogans, there may be some personnel adjustments. Serov was right, Khrushchev did have to make some personnel adjustments because there were vacancies in the Central Presidium.

  While winning Podgorny, Kuxining, secretary of the Central Committee, died of illness. There have been two vacancies in the Central Presidium, with Sherepin taking over from Podgorny with the Party and State Supervisory Committee. It is still a question of who will replace Kuxinin. This is of course some omen. Serov once heard some clues in some of Khrushchev's words, but he did not tell Yegolychev, one of the candidates was naturally Yegolychev himself, and the other was Mazurov, the chief aide to Kosygin, the first vice-chairman of the Council of Ministers.

The reason why    did not tell Yegolychev was that Serov believed that the possibility of Yegolychev entering the center was very low. Shelepin and the others all have a question of qualifications. Shelepin is like this, Semichasny is like this, Yegolychev is like this, and even Serov himself is like this. Compared with Kosygin's main assistant, Mazurov, Yegolychev has no advantage.

Sure enough, Khrushchev then announced at the conference that Shelepin would be the central secretary of the organization, replacing Podgorny’s previous role, and Sherest, the first secretary of the Ukrainian Party Committee, and Mazurov, the vice-chairman of the Council of Ministers, became the central committee. Official member of the Presidium. Sherest and Mazurov then delivered speeches on the podium respectively.

   "Our age is such a disadvantage!" Serov whispered to Yegolychev as the crowd applauded.

   "But time is on our side!" Although Yegolychev was a little disappointed, he immediately cheered up and said.

   Time is on our side? Serov looked at Brezhnev beside Khrushchev and said secretly, "The premise is that Khrushchev will stay for a few more years, otherwise everything will be difficult to say."

   After a vote of all the Central Committee members, Khrushchev's nomination was confirmed. The current Presidium of the Central Committee is like this. First Secretary Khrushchev, Chairman of the Supreme Soviet Mikoyan, Secretary of the Central Committee Suslov, these people are not counted. Shelov can see an obvious group. Sherest, the first secretary of the Ukrainian Party Committee, is considered the heir of Podgorny, but Sherest has actually lost his backing, and he can only rely on Khrushchev.

The person who followed Brezhnev in the Central Presidium was his right-hand man Andrei Kirilenko. If Yegolychev had entered the Central Presidium, Sherepin would not have been left alone. But this is not the point. The point is that the government has three seats on the Central Presidium, namely Kosygin, the first vice-chairman of the Council of Ministers, Polyansky, the vice-chairman of the Council of Ministers, and Mazurov, the vice-chairman of the Council of Ministers. Polyansky and Mazurov are both Kosygin's main assistants, and the three people's ideas are actually similar, which is very interesting.

"I didn't expect the biggest group to become Kosygin's people. No wonder Brezhnev finally solved Kosygin." Serov thought this situation was very interesting. Apart from Khrushchev, Kosygin turned out to be the most powerful. people.

"Nominate two alternate members of the Central Presidium, Chairman of the National Security Committee Serov, Comrade Yegolychev, First Secretary of the Moscow Municipal Party Committee, and the Central Presidium appointed Comrade Semychasny as Chairman of the Russian Council of Ministers." Khrushchev's nomination It was passed, but Serov was very surprised that he could be nominated.

"Kosygin turned out to be the victor? I didn't expect it." After the congress, Kirilenko came to Brezhnev's house and the first sentence was to express his concern for the 23rd Congress. the opinion of.

   "Yeah, Kosygin's stance is quite radical, and he is also an economic expert. It is not unreasonable to make our first secretary look at it differently." Brezhnev still seemed to be slow and indifferent, as usual.

   Kosygin's reforms were historically built on Khrushchev's failure and had Brezhnev's support early on, at least without containment. But it does not mean that Brezhnev is willing to do so. The relationship between Kosygin and Brezhnev has been normal since Khrushchev's time, but both of them have a stable position in their own fields, so there is no justification. It doesn't mean that the relationship between the two is good.

"Now that the government has occupied three positions in the presidium, and two of Kosygin's assistants have become political commissars, should we think of a way?" Kirilenko found that he could not understand Brezhnev. , he and Brezhnev are only two positions, how come he doesn't feel threatened at all.

"Three vice-chairmen of the Council of Ministers, three members of the Central Presidium, this means nothing. Yes, Kosygin's position in the government is very stable, but that kind of power can be slowly worn out over time. If it is not five years, ten years will be, sooner or later. There will be a way. The real power has four departments, the party, the government, the army, and the special government. Kosygin is only in the government, but Xie Lepin has become the central secretary of the organization this time, and he is also the party and the state. Chairman of the Supervisory Committee, Serov, Serokoff, must listen to him, now you should understand who is more threatening in the long run?" Brezhnev took a deep breath.

  Although Brezhnev knew about this conference, Kosygin's voice increased. But it is still clear that Kosygin's authority is still in the government. Xie Lepin was different. Taking over as the secretary of the Central Committee in charge of the organization, he challenged himself in the party. As the party and the State Supervisory Committee, he let the Soviet spy forces, including the KGB and the Ministry of Internal Affairs, follow him. It can be said that Kosygin The threat is in one area, and the threat of Sherepin is in two areas.

   "But three committee members are too many. Then Kosygin doesn't come as he wants." Kirilenko was quite dissatisfied with this meeting.

"Maybe Khrushchev is real, maybe in the next two or three years, he will really retire." Brezhnev said with some uncertainty, he did not agree with Khrushchev's various retirement remarks earlier. I believe, but Khrushchev mentioned this matter again at this conference, and obviously aggravated the government's right to speak in the Central Presidium, which made Brezhnev a little uncertain.

   "Then what should we do?" Kirilenko ultimately had to follow Brezhnev's advice.

   "Wait... we just do our job." Brezhnev shrugged. (To be continued~^~)